Sakulthai online dating

23-Dec-2017 13:37

Leben (1971) attacks Woo's View 'that' tone Is segmental while main- taining that the distinctive features of tone do not include' contour tones.An important piece of support for the suprasegmental characterization of tone are the so-called 'tone melody languages'. cites Mende as an example of a language of this type.Fromkin argues for her [-segmental] approach on the basife of "...certain cases where tone is the only realization of grammatical morphemes." (19) She offers as an example the 'habitual' low tone morpheme of Akan.This morpheme results in a 'downstep' of a following high tone.The motivation seems to be that once the constraints of phonological theory have been weakened, by extending the class of possible grammars, why should we weaken them still further, let us take a 'free ride' and use this devise in other problem cases.The difficulty would seem to stem from the search for a universal method of the representation of contour tones.

sakulthai online dating-35sakulthai online dating-47sakulthai online dating-86sakulthai online dating-42

The intransitive verb is also marked by (t)u- preceding the verbal endings, the transitive by a(q)-. This -q (where is expected) is an instance of a pervasive tj alternation whose details are not clear to me. Here the -q- is the reflex of the transitive marker posited by Koo. In the corresponding possessive ending we find the expected -ka . It may be that e-epenthesis should be formulated to apply in these forms (yielding te te from t te) , If so, then the problem arises of preventing epenthesis from applying in the same way tp the 2p-plural- svibject/3p-dual and plural-object forms (0 t te k -xci , 0 t te t -ci ) . These proposals differ with respect to whether or not tone should be represented suprasegraen tally and whether contour tones exist in the underlying repre- sentation.

These languages were examined by Woo (1969, 1970) and she argued that tone had to be represented segmentally in order not to miss generalizations.

Leben proposes that suprasegmental tone features are mapped onto segments and that in some languages, presumably like Thai or Vietnamese for example, this mapping occurs from the very beginning of the derivation. It seems to us that this initial mapping from suprasegmental into segmental representation makes the claim about the universal suprasegmental representation of tone vacuous. Nov/, by relativizing the possessor NP ^'-Jru itu 'the teacher' of the derived subject NP kawan 'friend' of §® * of (35b) we would produce (35c) (35) c. than it house this more tall "/ The tree/which than it this house is taller / / " (36'a) and (36'.

These transitivity affixes have been factored out of the analysis, except for the appearance of the transitive -q- in the f irst-person-singular-sub ject/third-person- singular-ob ject slot of the, transitive paradigm. There are some deviations from the patterns of these charts to be noted later. The first-person-singular marker -a- alternates with -na- by virtue of an n-epenthesis rule that applies to break up certain vowel sequences; thus an ftven greater resemblance between the intransitive subject and transitive object markers. Phonological notation is standard except, following Koo (1975), c, (unaspirated tx ) and e ( 4 or according to environment). Suprasegmental Contour Tones in UR Wang (1967) Feature of a syll Yes Woo (1967) No No Leben (1971) Yes No Want included the features [contour], [rising], [falling] and [convex] with the level features [high], [central] and [mid] in his proposal universal set.

Wang's basic position was that "..features can be treated in essentially the same way as the segmental features." (194) Woo, however, argues that some linguistic generalizations are only revealed and can only be captured if contour tones are represented as sequences, of level tones.

The intransitive verb is also marked by (t)u- preceding the verbal endings, the transitive by a(q)-. This -q (where is expected) is an instance of a pervasive tj alternation whose details are not clear to me. Here the -q- is the reflex of the transitive marker posited by Koo. In the corresponding possessive ending we find the expected -ka . It may be that e-epenthesis should be formulated to apply in these forms (yielding te te from t te) , If so, then the problem arises of preventing epenthesis from applying in the same way tp the 2p-plural- svibject/3p-dual and plural-object forms (0 t te k -xci , 0 t te t -ci ) . These proposals differ with respect to whether or not tone should be represented suprasegraen tally and whether contour tones exist in the underlying repre- sentation.These languages were examined by Woo (1969, 1970) and she argued that tone had to be represented segmentally in order not to miss generalizations.Leben proposes that suprasegmental tone features are mapped onto segments and that in some languages, presumably like Thai or Vietnamese for example, this mapping occurs from the very beginning of the derivation. It seems to us that this initial mapping from suprasegmental into segmental representation makes the claim about the universal suprasegmental representation of tone vacuous. Nov/, by relativizing the possessor NP ^'-Jru itu 'the teacher' of the derived subject NP kawan 'friend' of §® * of (35b) we would produce (35c) (35) c. than it house this more tall "/ The tree/which than it this house is taller / / " (36'a) and (36'.These transitivity affixes have been factored out of the analysis, except for the appearance of the transitive -q- in the f irst-person-singular-sub ject/third-person- singular-ob ject slot of the, transitive paradigm. There are some deviations from the patterns of these charts to be noted later. The first-person-singular marker -a- alternates with -na- by virtue of an n-epenthesis rule that applies to break up certain vowel sequences; thus an ftven greater resemblance between the intransitive subject and transitive object markers. Phonological notation is standard except, following Koo (1975), c, (unaspirated tx ) and e ( 4 or according to environment). Suprasegmental Contour Tones in UR Wang (1967) Feature of a syll Yes Woo (1967) No No Leben (1971) Yes No Want included the features [contour], [rising], [falling] and [convex] with the level features [high], [central] and [mid] in his proposal universal set.Wang's basic position was that "..features can be treated in essentially the same way as the segmental features." (194) Woo, however, argues that some linguistic generalizations are only revealed and can only be captured if contour tones are represented as sequences, of level tones.In Mende the following pitch levels and contours appear on vowels: L H LH HL LHL; however, there are restric- tions as to the positions in which tones can occur, l^ile they all can appear on monosyllabics, LHL and LH can only occur on monosyllables and HL can only appear on monosyllabics or on the second syllable of bisyllablcs.